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Chairman of Helsinki Citizens’ Assembly Vanadzor Artur Sakunts is our interlocutor

Mr. Sakunts, was the result of voting in favor of prosecutor general’s candidacy in the NA the confirmation of the bankruptcy of the political field.

This showed that 103 NA MPs placed their own interests above the interest of the RA justice and RA citizens and preferred to confirm their slave’s commitment to the future prosecutor general to ensure their own security fully realizing they are stuck in such criminal cases which can serve as grounds for persecutions. They all voted for in order to avoid it. These results once again come to testify of the voting for the subsequent attempt to eradicate justice in the RA, to confirm the abrogation of the principle of the rule of law in the RA and strengthen the atmosphere of fear.

According to you, why did Serzh Sargsyan’s decision remain on Gevorg Kostanyan? Several other names were being circulated in the press.  

First of all I must mention that I don’t assess the role of the press in the elucidation of the candidates for the prosecutor general as adequate, since I have the impression that as if they didn’t either delve into the situation, or deliberately organized such discussions to conceal the phenomenon of Gevorg Kostanyan’s being the only candidate, since one should at least be naive to think that there could be another candidate except for Gevorg Kostanyan. Let me explain why: firstly, Gevorg Kostanyan has rendered great services to the RA authorities by acting as the Government’s representative and responsible at the European Court. Secondly, it is based on the rendered services that he was appointed as the military prosecutor in 2011, although there were no logical grounds to appoint Gevorg Kostanyan as the military prosecutor. And thirdly, the important fact was to enroll Gevorg Kostanyan in the Committee on Constitutional Amendments, since not only specialists, but also representatives of the relevant legal structures with the first person being the chairman of the CC, minister of Justice are enrolled in that committee, but just the military prosecutor is represented from the Prosecutor General’s office, which is strange to me.

When the military prosecutor is recommended instead of the prosecutor general, and not, for instance, any of Aghvan Hovsepyan’s deputies, this should have already dispelled all doubts.

The next important fact is when Gevorg Kostanyan was appointed as the military prosecutor, which was undoubtedly the decision of the President’s residence, military prosecutor-general prosecutor contradictions came to the fore, which were displayed by several cases, at least 2 out of which I am well aware of: one is Sargis Poghosyan’s outstanding case, when 3 NGOs, including us, submitted a report on criminal case and appealed over the issue of keeping him in custody at “Nubarashen” penitentiary without the court’s ruling, whereas, the Court of Criminal Appeals adopted a ruling that violation of rights had actually taken place, we take this as military prosecutor’s revenge against the prosecutor general, since Sargis Poghosyan was admitted  to the penitentiary  based on the note of the prosecutor general’s deputy.  The second one was Hayk Movsisyan’s famous case, where the prosecutor general enjoyed his chance of revenge, when after demobilizing Hayk Movsisyan from military service due to health issues, an accusation was brought up against him for evasion from military service and was imprisoned for 3 years after which he was found hanged in Karabakh penitentiary, whereas, the accusation was appealed at the Court of Appeals after 6 months. The Court of Appeals found that the accusation brought up against Hayk Movsisyan had been ungrounded. Thus, facts that come to prove that the person, who is appointed a military prosecutor, has public discrepancies with the prosecutor general.  This means he should have serious patronage and the president’s institute can serve as such, so it is more than logical that Gevorg Kostanyan should have been appointed as the prosecutor general. And when the media outlets started circulating names of various candidates, it was more aimed to create an image of public imitation competitiveness, since it was unequivocal that Gevorg Kostanyan was the only candidate and there could be no other alternative.

How much is Gevorg Kostanyan a prosecutor general? In terms of professionalism is he eligible for that position?

Neither his capacities, nor his experience, but the fact of best order implementer and the best suitable candidate for the political power is important here, being it Gevorg Kostanyan, of course. As a military prosecutor he wasn’t at all distinguished for his professionalism. As the accusations continued over the cases of military crimes, according to previously tailored plan, we will continue having same picture. Through the establishment of the committee he attempted to conceal this to some extent, but unfortunately, it was accompanied by the shameful decision to stop criminal prosecution against Litska’s son and his bodyguard, which dissipated all those imitations.  In case of the criminal case over Budaghyans through all efforts he showed he had the will and capacity to carry out the requirement of the political decision by ignoring the legal system.

Many will hanker for Aghvan Hovsepyan. The fact that Aghvan Hovsepyan is the regime’s representative and beard direct responsibility in the criminal cases of March 1 and October 1 is definite, but it is indisputable that the prosecutor general is merely responsible for the oversight, giving instructions, for the endorsement of accusatory conclusions based on which people have been convicted. Aghvan Hovsepyan, as the implementer of the authorities’ order over these cases, has direct responsibility, but at least we can record one thing that Aghvan Hovsepyan didn’t go beyond the order frames, he didn’t seek to do more than the political orders. I have doubts that Gevorg Kostanyan will seek to over-perform the political orders. That is why I state that many will hanker for Aghvan Hovsepyan’s era.

Actually, the public opinion didn’t either have any impact in this case.

The concepts of today’s Government and not considering the public opinion are incompatible, if there was such a thing then many issues wouldn’t get resolved as they get now. For instance, the statements regarding joining the CU without taking account his supports. The public opinion becomes more crucial during the resolution of issues outside of the scope of the fundamental political decisions related to issues of minor significance.

But issues of such great significance including prosecutor general, police chief, SIS chief, minister of defense, SRC and Serzh Sargsyan himself should have resigned if the public opinion was to be considered. In order to maintain the veil of public opinion they try to create an imitation background for the issues of minor importance.

These appointments aim to protect the political interests of the regime and to protract its existence. In case of Gevorg Kostanyan, the state of the regime’s opponents will be far more cruel, we will witness greater challenges and I can state that Gevorg Kostanyan is the unique figure, who complies with the CU system of values and for the introduction of the CU system of philosophy.

Source: http://www.lragir.am/index/arm/0/interview/view/88934